"The ban on the march has awakened even those who were previously silent. This is a force of resistance that cannot be ignored," says Žaneta Sladká from Amnesty about the situation in Hungary
Let's start with the actual: Amnesty International recently opposed a new Hungarian law that restricts Pride marches and allows for the tracking of participants through facial recognition. Can you explain what exactly this law means in practice?
The new Hungarian law, which Amnesty International has publicly opposed, represents a major infringement of the right to freedom of assembly and privacy. In practice, it allows the authorities to ban public protests and marches that 'promote' a diversity of sexual orientations or gender identities. While this does not mean an automatic ban on all Pride events, it does give the police a tool to selectively restrict them.
It is not yet clear whether the law will be used against this year's Budapest Pride, which is scheduled for 28 June. On the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia (IDAHOT), 17 May, the march took place without state interference. By contrast, a protest planned for 1 June was banned under the law, and organisers are now appealing to the Hungarian Supreme Court.
If the authorities ban the demonstration and people still take part, they could face a fine of up to €500, or around CZK 12 500. Failure to pay the fine could lead to its recovery through the tax office. Fortunately, the legal system still allows for a defence - there are means to appeal against such a fine.
Also worrying is the recent legislative change in the use of facial recognition technology. Until now, the police have only been able to use this technology to investigate serious crimes. However, it can now be deployed to deal with offences - including those as trivial as littering. In the context of Pride marches or other protest events, this means that every participant can be identified, tracked and potentially fined, even for minor things.
Thus, this law not only criminalizes the expression of queer existence in public space, but also creates an atmosphere of fear and control. Amnesty International therefore warns that this is not just a technical amendment - but another step in the state-led marginalisation of the LGBTI+ community.
Do you see a shift in the mood of the Hungarian LGBT+ community? Is there more fear or defiance now?
Yes, our Hungarian colleagues are seeing a significant shift in mood, not only within the LGBTI+ community itself, but across society. The current situation has also brought people to the streets who have not participated in Pride marches in the past. Many who would not have considered themselves allies before are now openly expressing their support and declaring that they will attend this year's Budapest Pride. As an act of solidarity, but also as a personal stand against the tightening of the screws by the state.
Thus, fear still exists, but it is more and more often transformed into defiance. People realise that if they are not seen and heard now, it may soon be too late. This wave of civic mobilization is perhaps one of the most powerful signals that efforts to silence the queer community can have the opposite effect - awakening strength, courage and new alliances across social bubbles.
The European Union has already taken legal action against Hungary for restricting the rights of LGBT+ people. Do you think the EU has the real power to make a difference?
The EU does have legal tools to respond to violations of LGBTI+ rights in member states, and current events in Hungary are a clear example of this. Not only can the European Commission initiate infringement proceedings against EU legislation, which is already underway in the case of Hungary, but it also has the power to request so-called interim measures - for example, the suspension of the so-called 'LGBTI propaganda' law, which serves as a basis for restricting other rights, including freedom of assembly. In particular, the law on assembly, which now allows for the prohibition of queer protests, refers to this law. If it were temporarily suspended or repealed, the police would lose legal support for banning Budapest Pride-type marches.
A strong signal was also sent by the Advocate General of the Court of Justice of the EU, who published her opinion on 5 June: according to her, Hungary crossed "red lines" when it challenged the equality of LGBTI+ people and violated the fundamental principles of the Union - equality, human dignity and respect for human rights.
However, from the perspective of human rights organisations, it is disappointing that the European Commission has not yet taken any concrete measures to respond to the imminent threat to freedom of peaceful assembly in the country. Legal proceedings are important but lengthy - and the queer community in Hungary needs protection now, not in a few years' time. So the EU has real power to make a difference - but the question is whether it will use it in a timely and consistent manner.
Despite the ban, Budapest Pride is due to take place in June. Will you be present as Amnesty? What does international support mean for local organisers now?
Although the police have not yet issued a ban specifically related to Budapest Pride, thanks to the new law they have this option and it is within their power to sanction participants in the event. This in itself is a very alarming step towards restricting fundamental rights and freedoms, especially freedom of assembly and expression.
In response, the Rainbow Mission Foundation, the organisation organising Budapest Pride, has called on the international public to join the parade on 28 June to speak out against unjust attempts to silence the voices of LGBTI people. International support is crucial now.
That's why Amnesty Hungary and many other Amnesty chapters from around the world, including the Czech one, will take part in the parade. Not only to show solidarity, but also to make it clear that human rights must be respected and we will not be intimidated. In addition to taking part in the parade, we are also planning so-called observer missions to monitor the parade and to record any illegal interventions by the police. Should there be any illegal actions or violence against Pride participants, we will be ready to collect evidence to be used in any potential lawsuits.
But our support for the Hungarian LGBTI+ community does not end with our presence on the ground. We have launched an international petition demanding the lifting of the ban and the protection of queer rights in Hungary - over 60,000 people have already signed it and we aim to reach 100,000 signatures. At the same time, we want to give a chance to express solidarity to those who cannot go to Budapest in person.
We have created a limited edition of hand-illustrated solidarity postcards. By buying them, people will contribute to our trip to Budapest and to any fines we may face for participating in the banned march. Anyone who buys a postcard can send us a solidarity message addressed to queer people in Hungary. We will then hand-write all the messages on postcards and personally deliver them to the Hungarian queer community in cooperation with our colleagues from Amnesty Hungary (If you want to send your own solidarity postcard to Hungary, you can get one here, editor's note).
Let's go to the United States. Donald Trump is president of the US again and, as in his first presidential term, he is restricting the rights of queer people, especially trans people. How do his policies play out in practice? Even considering that some US companies are now rethinking their DEI initiatives.
Donald Trump's decisions upon his return to the White House have direct and deeply troubling implications for the queer community. His administration's policies have systematically encroached on fundamental rights, from access to healthcare to the ability to participate fully in public and professional life. In addition to specific legislative actions, it also creates an atmosphere in which queer identity is once again the target of political attack, contestation and marginalisation.
In practice, this means, for example, the reintroduction of a ban on trans* people serving in the military, efforts to restrict or remove access to gender-affirmative healthcare, and interference in official documents, including restrictions on the ability to include non-binary or 'modified' gender designations on passports and visas. Mentions of LGBTQ+ issues, including information on legal protections or Pride events, are disappearing from official government websites. Yet these moves are not just symbolic they are part of a wider attempt to erase queer people from the public space.
At the same time, the Trump administration is also targeting the private sector. Some companies are beginning to back away from DEI initiatives (diversity, equality, inclusion) due to fears of political pressure. In a climate of increasing polarization and legislative restrictions, even large corporations that until recently proudly supported Pride or offered support programs for LGBTQ+ employees are backing away. This retreat undermines previous efforts to build safer and more inclusive work environments.
What is perhaps even more worrying is the overall change in public discourse: the politics of exclusion and repression that comes from above legitimises hate and discrimination even on a day-to-day level. As a result, queer people are more often targeted, lose access to important services and live in an environment where their existence is questioned or completely ignored.
Thus, Trump's policies not only reinforce legislative barriers, but also create invisible walls in everyday life - at work, at school and in the media. And while some moves have met resistance in the courts, the overall direction is disturbingly clear: systematically limiting the space in which queer people can exist freely.
Are you seeing American rhetoric resonate in other parts of the world? Perhaps in Eastern Europe or Latin America?
Yes, Donald Trump's rhetoric is definitely not only resonating in the United States - its echoes are also evident in other parts of the world, especially in Eastern Europe and Latin America. In both regions, conservative and authoritarian governments are openly taking inspiration from Trump's 'culture war' strategy of attacking the rights of LGBTQ+ people under the guise of protecting 'traditional values' or 'family'.
In Eastern Europe, the situation is particularly alarming. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has made no secret of taking inspiration from Trump - his government has introduced laws banning the 'promotion of homosexuality' and restricted the teaching of LGBTQ+ issues in schools. Similarly, in Poland, so-called 'LGBT ideology-free zones' have emerged under the Law and Justice party government and sex education has been restricted. All of this using the same 'protectionist' rhetoric that Trump used during his first presidential term.
In Russia, where repression against LGBTQ+ people had already begun earlier, Trump's policies added ideological cover: it also made the Russian regime feel empowered in its policies of censorship, criminalisation and violence against queer people. Trump's international passivity on human rights issues has acted as tacit approval.
In Latin America, the most visible example was the "tropical Trump", former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. He, too, used terms such as 'gender ideology' or 'child protection' to legitimise restrictions on the rights of LGBTQ+ people and their erasure from the public sphere, particularly education. Then, in countries like Argentina and Colombia, conservative movements inspired by the US model began to organise against marriage for all or equality laws, often in response to more visible support for queer rights from the US or EU.
In addition, there are practical consequences: for example, Trump has cut funding for HIV/AIDS prevention programmes, which were crucial not only in the US but also in Latin America and Africa. These decisions have had a direct impact on the health and lives of LGBTQ+ people around the world.
All of this shows that the rhetoric of one political leader can have far-reaching impact far beyond his or her country. That is why it is important to reiterate that LGBTQ+ rights are human rights.
Yet this very year, WorldPride is taking place in Washington. Do you see this as a symbol of resistance, or is it more a kind of schizophrenia?
WorldPride in Washington is first and foremost a celebration of the determination, solidarity and historic struggle for LGBTQ+ rights around the world. Its staging in the US capital is the result of long-term planning and international collaboration, not a reaction to the current make-up of the US administration. Yet, this year in particular, it is becoming a much deeper and powerfully political symbol.
At a time when restrictive measures against queer people are being reintroduced in the United States and when the same rhetoric is spreading to other parts of the world, the mass presence of queer people and their allies on the streets of Washington is a clear signal of resistance. It shows that queer people exist, create, celebrate, and organize regardless of who is currently in power. In this way, Pride revisits its roots not just as a celebration, but as a protest.
Rather than "schizophrenia," we should talk about the contrast between political reality and vibrant civil society, between repression and determination. WorldPride 2025 in Washington can thus be seen as an expression of the strength and cohesion of a global queer community that does not give up even in the face of mounting attacks.
When you look at the state of LGBT+ rights globally: which countries are you most concerned about at the moment?
It is necessary to look not to distant authoritarian regimes, but to us in Europe. We should first 'sweep our own backyard'. What I find particularly alarming about their development is not just the restriction of queer people's rights themselves, but the fact that this is happening within the European Union, a democratic space whose members are contractually bound to respect human rights standards. It is here that the rights of LGBT+ people should automatically be protected. Yet we are seeing the opposite trend.
Poland has experienced a dark period of 'LGBT ideology-free zones' and the repeated use of hateful rhetoric against queer people by top politicians. Newly elected President Karol Nawrocki, supported by the conservative right, openly promises to block any liberal changes, including the legalisation of registered partnerships. In Hungary, the aforementioned law against so-called 'LGBT propaganda', which has become the basis for further repression, or has greatly facilitated it.
While similarly repressive legislation does not yet exist in Slovakia and the Czech Republic, one cannot help but notice the growing influence of conservative, far-right and so-called 'anti-gender' movements that seek to stop the development or restrict the rights of women and queer people. The pro-life movement, for example, falls into this category, promoting an ideology under the pretext of protecting traditional values and the family.
It is worrying that these attacks on fundamental human rights are taking place almost without repercussions from the EU. If queer rights are not protected in democratic states that are parties to a number of international and European human rights instruments, then it is entirely appropriate to ask the question: Where else should they be protected if not here? Europe cannot be content with declaring the values of equality and dignity on paper. Protecting the rights of LGBT+ people must be a reality - otherwise we are failing as a democratic community.
Conversely, where have you seen a recent shift towards greater equality or at least public debate?
We have seen shifts in several countries recently, both at a legislative level and in terms of public debate.
In Japan, for example, the public debate on the legal recognition of same-sex couples is becoming stronger. Although marriage for all is not yet legal, several courts have already ruled that excluding them from the institution is unconstitutional. We are also seeing significant developments in Thailand, where legislation is moving towards legalising marriage for all and public support for the queer community is growing, particularly among the younger generation. Thailand may thus be the first state in Southeast Asia to fully recognise the rights of same-sex couples.
In Latin America, where queer equality has long been a struggle, efforts are yielding concrete results. In Chile, for example, a marriage for all law recently came into force. The move is proof that even in regions with deeply entrenched conservative attitudes, change is possible,
And perhaps more importantly, we are seeing a shift even in countries where LGBT+ rights are still heavily restricted. In Poland and Hungary, there are increasing voices of resistance: public protests, involvement of the art scene, academia and people who were previously not very interested in these issues. Even in a more repressive environment, there is room for change through civic engagement, solidarity and international pressure.
Amnesty has long worked with activists in countries where homosexuality is criminalised. What helps most in these contexts - quiet diplomatic work or strong international pressure?
In contexts where homosexuality is criminalized and where queer people face imprisonment, violence or even the death penalty, there is no one-size-fits-all recipe for help. A combination of different approaches, from public international pressure to discreet diplomatic work behind the scenes, has proved successful.
One example is our annual letter-writing marathon campaign. It brings concrete results precisely because it combines personal human solidarity with political pressure. Around the world, the public writes letters on behalf of the unjustly imprisoned, while we conduct targeted advocacy work with senior officials, governments and institutions. Amnesty International has consultative status with the United Nations, the Council of Europe or UNESCO, allowing us to operate at multiple levels simultaneously.
The media plays a very important role in this, when specific cases are brought to the fore, when queer people's stories are heard globally and locally, it creates another layer of pressure on those who violate their rights. And sometimes just the fact that the name of an unjustly imprisoned person is heard on the international airwaves can change their fate.
On the other hand, public visibility is not safe in all situations. In some cases, we opt exclusively for the quiet diplomatic route, because media coverage could endanger the person himself or his loved ones. Each case therefore needs to be assessed individually, taking into account the safety and wishes of the individual or community.
In the Czech Republic, there is always talk of marriage for all. Almost all rights are already available to partners, but the name of marriage and the possibility of joint adoption are missing. In your opinion, how is the symbolic level of "marriage" still important?
The symbolic level of marriage is absolutely essential, despite its frequent downplaying. The difference between 'civil partnership' and 'marriage' is not just a matter of vocabulary. It is the difference between full citizenship and second-class status. When the state refuses to allow same-sex couples to marry, it sends a clear message: your love is not equal, your relationship does not deserve the same respect, your family is not like others. Keeping a special box with a different name - "partnership" - is a legal and symbolic separation that has concrete implications for how queer people perceive themselves, how they are perceived by those around them, and how they are protected by society.
This has a particularly strong impact on children growing up in families with two mothers or two fathers. How are they supposed to perceive their family when the state tells them that it is not "normal" enough to be legally recognized as a marriage? The symbolic level carries a value that is the basis of social acceptance. And this has a direct impact on the safety, mental health and sense of belonging of queer people.
So it's not just about the right to share property, information from medical records, or adopt a partner's child. It's about who we, as a state, say "your love is equal, your family is equally important, your place in society is unquestionable." Marriage for all is not a token luxury. It is a fundamental part of equality and dignity. And that is why it is so important to continue to strive for it.
We often talk about the influence of digital platforms. Do they help to connect and inform, or is it also the space where LGBT+ people face the greatest attacks?
Digital platforms play a dual and often very ambivalent role in the lives of LGBT+ people. On the one hand, they are a space for connecting people, sharing experiences, building solidarity and activism. It is the online environment that allows queer people, especially where they face discrimination on a daily basis, to find support, safety and information that is often lacking in their immediate environment. For many young people, the internet is the first time they understand their identity, meet someone 'like me' and feel that they are not alone.
On the other hand, digital space is also a place where queer people face some of the most intense attacks. Online bullying, threats, misinformation and hate campaigns are rampant. Algorithms often favor polarizing and toxic content that has a greater reach than calm facts or supportive messages. And while platforms declare their commitment to protecting users, in practice they often do not respond quickly or consistently enough to reported hate speech.
Do you think the way the younger generation approaches activism is changing? Are they coming up with new ways to fight for equality?
They certainly are. The way the younger generation is approaching activism is changing significantly - not only in the tools they use, but also in their very understanding of what it means to strive for justice. Whereas earlier generations relied primarily on face-to-face encounters, physical protests, and long-term organizing work, today's young people enter the public space primarily through the digital environment. They use social networks, viral campaigns, hashtag challenges or online petitions. In this way, they can mobilise broad support, cross geographical borders and attract media and institutional attention in a short space of time.
The content of activism itself is also being transformed. The young generation sees the struggle for equality as deeply interconnected - intersectional. They are realizing that climate justice, LGBTQ+ rights, racial equality, feminism, and social issues are not separate worlds, but interconnected strands of a larger quest for a more dignified and just world for all. They also emphasize inclusivity, a diversity of voices, and the sustainability of activism - not just in an ecological sense, but in a human sense. They know that taking care of themselves and their community is the key to long-term engagement, not a barrier.
Although the forms and language change, core values such as solidarity, courage and belief in the possibility of change remain. The growing willingness for intergenerational collaboration is also positive - older activists bring experience, historical memory and strategic persistence, while younger ones bring new energy, sensitivity to the language of the times and the ability to create understandable and appealing challenges. It is this connection that may hold the key to change that will not only be heard but also have a lasting impact.
When you look at Amnesty's plans for the coming months - what will be your priority? Are you planning new campaigns or a focus on specific countries?
Our Czech Amnesty section is carefully setting thematic priorities to focus on in the coming years, because there are many human rights challenges, but capacity and funding are limited. For this year and next year, the main areas of our efforts are women's rights, especially the protection of reproductive rights in the Czech Republic. We are working to ensure that every woman, regardless of her economic or social situation, has the right to safe and legal abortion, while actively responding to repeated efforts to restrict this right.
We have also long monitored and supported the rights of queer people in the Czech Republic. We have been part of the initiative for marriage for all and will continue to fight for equal marriage for all couples without distinction. Similarly, one of our priorities is to promote the SELF ID model, i.e. the possibility of official gender reassignment for trans people without unnecessary bureaucratic obstacles.
Alongside this, we also plan to pay attention to the issue of climate justice. The climate crisis is not only an environmental problem, but also a serious human rights violation, as the impacts of climate change are felt most by the most vulnerable. We will therefore strongly press the Czech government to take a responsible and proactive approach to this issue.
At the same time, we are ready to respond promptly to any current human rights issues that require our attention and support.
Finally, what would you say to someone who is perhaps just now becoming interested in human rights and wants to get involved? Where can they start?
First of all, I would say: every step counts - even the seemingly small ones. You don't have to change the world right away or have all the international conventions in your little finger. The important thing is to start where you are, with what you have at your disposal. The pathways to engagement are different and each of us has different capacities, skills and capabilities. And it's good to remember that.
Some people will start by following human rights organisations, reading about issues that appeal to them, or becoming more aware of injustices in their neighbourhood. Others share information on social media, sign petitions, attend demonstrations or engage in public debates. Each of these forms is meaningful - the important thing is that you choose not to stay on the sidelines.
At the same time, I recommend paying attention to what gives you energy and what drains you. Activism is not a sprint, it's a marathon. To be sustainable in the long term, we need to take care of ourselves too - our mental health, relationships and space to relax. Taking care of ourselves and others is not a weakness. It's a fundamental condition for being able to stay engaged while not losing hope or joy.
And if anyone would like to start now, they can join Amnesty International's activist community - at amnesty.com/activism, for example . Every voice counts. Every helping hand counts. And every change starts with someone deciding not to be indifferent.
